![[personal profile]](https://www.dreamwidth.org/img/silk/identity/user.png){kind=small}
Entry tags:
Jogappa: Gender Identity and the Politics of Exclusion, by Aneka
During the pandemic, we discovered the Chuangqi Trilogy by Lydia Kwa: Oracle Bone, the Walking Boy (which we read first), and (just now we discovered) the third book is in preorder, A Dream Wants Waking. (We have just now ordered it. QUEER ROBOT GHOST FUTURE YESPLZ.)
Oracle Bone and the Walking Boy both take place in Tang Dynasty, China--specifically, the capital city of Chang'an. Kwa (who's both a poet and a psychologist by trade) has a gift for delineating the complexity of human relationships, both good and bad, in this beautiful quiet way. She makes this ancient time in a faraway land feel so real and alive; we totally recommend these books if you're interested in queer, character-relationship-focused magical realism of the Chinese variety.
This post is NOT about any of that though. Instead, it's about the OTHER book we found THANKS to her books.
In the Walking Boy, there are some secondary characters, jogappas who run a tea shop. I had never heard of a jogappa before this book, and Lydia Kwa has a knack for making me want to learn more things after reading her books, so I looked them up, which led me to Aneka's Jogappa: Gender Identity and the Politics of Exclusion. Jogappas are trans people of a specific religious type: after being plagued by misfortune or sickness (signs they have been "caught" by the goddess Yellamma), they are men who are consecrated to said goddess, marry her, and become chaste women, acting as Yellamma's wives and priests. While they face a lot of the same harassment, violence, and government neglect that we see in the USA, they also have specific religious duties and roles, which face their own challenges in their native western India. (Mostly Karnakata.) They also are possessed by Yellamma.
Possession, genderfulness, and divine marriage. How could I not be interested?
Still working through the book, but here are some interesting quotes so far (page numbers are not those of the PDF file markers, but the page numbers listed on the page themselves):
"People dedicate themselves or others from the family to the goddess. While some boys are dedicated to Yellamma and then are considered to be ‘sacred women’, many ‘choose’ the goddess. [...] Bradford reports the claims of Jogappas verbatim, noting that once the goddess wishes to catch a person, the person has no choice but to change his or her gender. This construction of ‘powerlessness against the goddess’s wishes’ gives gender change a religious sanction that is not otherwise available. Thus,transgenderism is framed as a divine decision rather than an individual’s wish." (6-7)
"During the pilot study of the research, we found that Jogappas face less social opposition than other transgendered identities as the religious sanction for their gender expression renders their identity less controversial. Most of them dress in sari, while a subgroup (called Parashuram Jogappas) generally dresses in lungi and shirt. Those in saris sport long hair and wear ornaments and accessories, while some in male attire choose to do so. Castration is discouraged (Wilhelm, 2010) and those who choose to undergo castration/emasculation suffer a ‘demotion’ in status; the person is not permitted to perform pujas and his/her status is lowered. Despite this, there are those who continue to opt for castration." (7)
"The Jogappas are expected to be asexual ascetics, but many
Jogappas do engage in sex. However, their sexual relations with other men
are not acknowledged, and therefore they have to be particularly discreet.
While their transgression of gender roles is accepted to some extent, their
transgression of heteronormativity is not." (8)
"Since the livelihood options associated with the Jogappa tradition
are slowly being depleted, Jogappas now find it difficult to find any
occupation which provides them with food, shelter, clothing and security.
Further, since they are associated with ritualistic duties and occupy a
somewhat honoured position because of their religious affiliations, it has
been difficult for them to be absorbed into mainstream livelihood options.
There is significant discordance between traditional ‘acceptance’ / ‘space’
and the present socioeconomic condition of Jogappas." (9)
"Most western academics have not considered the sheer diversity
of sexual-minority identities that exist around the world. For decades, their
framework held a simplistic understanding of a masculine gender, a
feminine gender, and a third gender that included all those who were
‘different’. Even now, western LGBT frameworks view sex, gender and
sexuality spectrally, and although they allow for ‘intermediary’ identities,
they do not allow for the intermingling of these categories across sexes,
genders and sexualities. Further, they ignore issues of class, caste, race
and ethnicity that exist in various societies, thereby narrowing their
academic world view to one that is decidedly western in approach and
understanding. These frameworks are ‘rigid’, and do not make space for
the diverse identities that exist in India." (9-10)
"ogappas wear both male and female attires and
commonly refer to this difference as ‘satla’ (in saree or female attire) and
‘panti-satla’ (in male attire). These terms also indicate identity differences
between those who present themselves as women and those as men.
About 63% of the participants were in satla, while the remaining preferred
to be in panti-satla." (18)
"We have largely used the pronoun “she” when
referring to Jogappas: however, this does not reflect the gender identity that
individual participants might choose for themselves. Because names do not
necessarily reflect the gender chosen by the individual Jogappa, we have
simply used “she” and “he” based on the content of the interviews" (19)
"The religious association with Yellamma is pervasive in all aspects of the
lives of Jogappas. Association with her provides Jogappas with the few
livelihood opportunities that they usually have access to. It is important to
note that this involves Jogappas freely expressing their gender identity
within respected spaces in society: Yellamma is therefore instrumental in
the realization of their gender identity. It is through Yellamma that they as
Jogappas come together, and it is through their ways of worshipping her
that they form a community." (22)
"Most Jogappas said they joined the Jogappa community when
they realised that the goddess had entered them: this possession manifests
in forms such as jadey (matted hair), pain in limbs and/or the body,
lethargy, shaking and shivering on certain days of month, expression of
feminine mannerisms, and appearance of the goddess in their dreams. [...]
"The process of realisation that the goddess is upon them is often
described as being ‘caught’ by the goddess, a feeling of being ‘bound’ and
unable to control it. Most descriptions refer to changes in the body, a
feeling of restlessness, and a sense of ill-health. It is seen simultaneously
as an illness and as possession by the goddess." (23)
"The participant stresses two separate times that neither she nor
the people around her understood what “came upon” her. She narrated the
experience with an emphasised dissociation from the self, as if the self was
not responsible for gender expression. The narration also hints at the
helplessness of the individual and the lack of control over the situation.
Possession by Yellamma would often manifest as a physical ailment, as a
reduced ability to function properly. This hints at a deep mind-body
connection and alludes to the physical expression of psychological turmoil.
Almost all the interviewees repeatedly mentioned psychosomatic reasons
for their gender expression." (24)
"Yellamma enters
the person wearing a sari and takes possession of him. The sari is clearly
seen as being indicative of a change in gender performance; one either
wears the sari after being possessed by Yellamma or one will be
possessed by Yellamma if one wears the sari. One Jogappa said that her
refusal to wear the sari resulted in her being punished by Yellamma:
“When I refused to wear sari, I suffered pain in my legs, bleeding
from my ears etc. My mother prayed to the goddess that she
would make me wear sari and all the symptoms stopped.”
(Radhika)" (24-25)
"The goddess’s possession of an individual does not warrant
immediate dedication: the family and the Jogappa often engage in
negotiations with Yellamma. These negotiations often include promises of
deeper bhakti, frequent visits to Yellamma’s shrine, and vows of material
offerings to be made to Yellamma. One participant stated that his family
had decided to marry him of and dedicate his bride in his place. But,
according to him, the goddess did not agree.
“She said that the horse which is chosen for me will be mine and I
will ride on it. I do not want a replacement. Then my family agreed
with her and took me to Saundatti.” (Mallappa) (25-26)
"Most Muslim
families, however, have found it difficult to accept, or are puzzled that their
child is possessed by a Hindu goddess." (26)
"Within the Jogappa community, there exists some bias against self-
dedicated Jogappas among those dedicated by the family. The family-
dedicated Jogappas have stated that they either do not know much about
the self-dedicated, or that they are aware of their existence but they do not
mingle with them much. Family-dedicated Jogappas, as well as the larger
society, question the authenticity of the identity of Jogappas who have
dedicated themselves without familial approval. They are not believed to be
truly possessed by the goddess. Instead, they are accused of merely
‘wanting’ to be like woman, almost as if it were a fashion.
“People who themselves become Jogappas, they are not
respected. Only if the goddess herself comes and resides in us,
we can become Jogappas. People don’t respect those who
become Jogappas on their own, that is not acceptable, it is like
being Hijras. They behave like soolay [sex worker], they shouldn’t
do that. They won’t be respected if they do that.” (Radhika)
"Here the expression of agency and ‘choosing’ to be a Jogappa is
viewed as ‘less authentic’ than those who are ‘driven’ to join the
community. The former compare the latter to Hijras, considered an insulting
comparison as their claim to the feminine gender is questioned and
considered a whim, because unlike Jogappas, Hijras do not get
‘possessed’ by the goddess." (27)
EDIT: more quotes:
"According to [Mr. Putari, a non-Jogappa researcher], the Jogappas of
Andhra Pradesh associate femininity with the goddess and get possessed
by this idea of the feminine goddess. Repeated possessions result in the
continuation of the performance of this character (Yellamma) beyond the
time period of possession.
"[...] The possessed imagine the ‘mood’ of Yellamma.
They believe she becomes happy after receiving the offerings made to her,
identify with her happiness, and are possessed by this feeling or mood.
Intense identification with this mood results in their feeling ecstatic, which
later leads them into a state of trance. The enactment of the goddess is
very theatrical in nature and is connected to the feeling and embodying of
rasas (which means essence or juice and is fundamental to many forms of
Indian art including dance, music, musical theatre, and literature). During
the enactment, the ‘audience’ reaches out to Yellamma, talking to and
interacting with her through the spirit of the possessed. Being in a trance
tires the Jogappas and makes them feel weak." (34-35)
"It is interesting to note that all identities associated with the
Yellamma tradition (Jogappas, Devadasis etc.) get married to Yellamma,
and most of these are feminine identities. But Mr. Putari said that they do
not view marriage in the conventional manner, but as a bond: Jogappas
and Devadasis see themselves as being bound to Yellamma. They both
‘become’ Yellamma (there is an effacement of self through the act of
possession) and get married to her (are bound to her).
"[...] Since Jogappas embody both genders, they are also seen as being genderless.
In another sense, they are viewed as being ‘supra-gender’, that is, they are
‘beyond gender’." (35-36)
"Jogappas seem to have a distinctly personalised relationship with
the goddess. Even while narrating their problems, they referred to the
goddess, her wishes, her power to direct their lives and their resignation to
her will. One participant stated that she didn’t want Yellamma to trouble
anyone else in the way she herself had been troubled.
“I just don’t want her to trouble anyone else. There was once
a Jogappa in my village. When she died, other Jogappas
went and prayed to Yellamma and asked her to not make any
more Jogappas in my village, but still she picked me.”
(Chandappa)
"Dedication to Yellamma is also done to spare others from the
problems ‘created’ by the goddess and is thus seen as a sacrifice." (37)
"People are often wary of associating themselves with a household that has
such a strong relationship with the goddess. They fear that that they too
may be caught in the goddess’ sway. A Jogappa in the family is seen as a
detriment to its image. As one participant says:
“The wedding alliance for my sister’s daughter was broken
because they came to know about me. It was after that, that
I was completely ostracised by the family.” (Hussein Saab)" (41)
"It is interesting that the goddess is seen as a source of succor who
passes on her strength to them. She is seen as the only one who was by
their side during the most difficult times of their lives." (42)
"Almost all participants said that Jogappas
should not get married after getting dedicated to the goddess, but that there
were some who did so. Some participants were found to be married to
women and were cohabiting with them. Some have been dedicated even
after they have had children; such dedications solely depend on when the
goddess decides to ‘catch’ them, and do not appear to be the norm.
"Jogappas who are the only sons in their families are often not dedicated till
they are married and have children. They observe that in such cases, the
brides are informed of the circumstances and what would befall them in
future, and yet they agree to the marriage. Nearly all the participants stated
that Jogappas were not supposed to have any sexual relationship with their
wives." (43)
“Before I became a Jogappa, people used to say that I am
[play-] acting when the goddess used to come on me.”
(Devindra)
[...]
“Earlier they did not know the difference between a Hijra and
a Jogappa. Now, they have awareness, they look at us as a
form of Yellamma.” (Gowri)
"Participants also noted that they were respected in villages but
harassed in the cities, where people were not aware of the Jogappa identity
and mistook them for Hijras, asking them if they were men or women.
[...]
“People talk bad things about me… they call me Hijra,
chakka...look, he is neither a man nor a woman.” (Radhika) (45)
"without restrictions and regulations. As Chandappa said, “I want to make
sure that I shift to a house which is my own.”
Many form a deep, personal relationship with the goddess.
“When I was alone I stayed with the goddess.” (Veena)
While the goddess is at times seen as the reason for their existing
problems, she is also seen as a companion, and a source of support and
strength." (53)
Oracle Bone and the Walking Boy both take place in Tang Dynasty, China--specifically, the capital city of Chang'an. Kwa (who's both a poet and a psychologist by trade) has a gift for delineating the complexity of human relationships, both good and bad, in this beautiful quiet way. She makes this ancient time in a faraway land feel so real and alive; we totally recommend these books if you're interested in queer, character-relationship-focused magical realism of the Chinese variety.
This post is NOT about any of that though. Instead, it's about the OTHER book we found THANKS to her books.
In the Walking Boy, there are some secondary characters, jogappas who run a tea shop. I had never heard of a jogappa before this book, and Lydia Kwa has a knack for making me want to learn more things after reading her books, so I looked them up, which led me to Aneka's Jogappa: Gender Identity and the Politics of Exclusion. Jogappas are trans people of a specific religious type: after being plagued by misfortune or sickness (signs they have been "caught" by the goddess Yellamma), they are men who are consecrated to said goddess, marry her, and become chaste women, acting as Yellamma's wives and priests. While they face a lot of the same harassment, violence, and government neglect that we see in the USA, they also have specific religious duties and roles, which face their own challenges in their native western India. (Mostly Karnakata.) They also are possessed by Yellamma.
Possession, genderfulness, and divine marriage. How could I not be interested?
Still working through the book, but here are some interesting quotes so far (page numbers are not those of the PDF file markers, but the page numbers listed on the page themselves):
"People dedicate themselves or others from the family to the goddess. While some boys are dedicated to Yellamma and then are considered to be ‘sacred women’, many ‘choose’ the goddess. [...] Bradford reports the claims of Jogappas verbatim, noting that once the goddess wishes to catch a person, the person has no choice but to change his or her gender. This construction of ‘powerlessness against the goddess’s wishes’ gives gender change a religious sanction that is not otherwise available. Thus,transgenderism is framed as a divine decision rather than an individual’s wish." (6-7)
"During the pilot study of the research, we found that Jogappas face less social opposition than other transgendered identities as the religious sanction for their gender expression renders their identity less controversial. Most of them dress in sari, while a subgroup (called Parashuram Jogappas) generally dresses in lungi and shirt. Those in saris sport long hair and wear ornaments and accessories, while some in male attire choose to do so. Castration is discouraged (Wilhelm, 2010) and those who choose to undergo castration/emasculation suffer a ‘demotion’ in status; the person is not permitted to perform pujas and his/her status is lowered. Despite this, there are those who continue to opt for castration." (7)
"The Jogappas are expected to be asexual ascetics, but many
Jogappas do engage in sex. However, their sexual relations with other men
are not acknowledged, and therefore they have to be particularly discreet.
While their transgression of gender roles is accepted to some extent, their
transgression of heteronormativity is not." (8)
"Since the livelihood options associated with the Jogappa tradition
are slowly being depleted, Jogappas now find it difficult to find any
occupation which provides them with food, shelter, clothing and security.
Further, since they are associated with ritualistic duties and occupy a
somewhat honoured position because of their religious affiliations, it has
been difficult for them to be absorbed into mainstream livelihood options.
There is significant discordance between traditional ‘acceptance’ / ‘space’
and the present socioeconomic condition of Jogappas." (9)
"Most western academics have not considered the sheer diversity
of sexual-minority identities that exist around the world. For decades, their
framework held a simplistic understanding of a masculine gender, a
feminine gender, and a third gender that included all those who were
‘different’. Even now, western LGBT frameworks view sex, gender and
sexuality spectrally, and although they allow for ‘intermediary’ identities,
they do not allow for the intermingling of these categories across sexes,
genders and sexualities. Further, they ignore issues of class, caste, race
and ethnicity that exist in various societies, thereby narrowing their
academic world view to one that is decidedly western in approach and
understanding. These frameworks are ‘rigid’, and do not make space for
the diverse identities that exist in India." (9-10)
"ogappas wear both male and female attires and
commonly refer to this difference as ‘satla’ (in saree or female attire) and
‘panti-satla’ (in male attire). These terms also indicate identity differences
between those who present themselves as women and those as men.
About 63% of the participants were in satla, while the remaining preferred
to be in panti-satla." (18)
"We have largely used the pronoun “she” when
referring to Jogappas: however, this does not reflect the gender identity that
individual participants might choose for themselves. Because names do not
necessarily reflect the gender chosen by the individual Jogappa, we have
simply used “she” and “he” based on the content of the interviews" (19)
"The religious association with Yellamma is pervasive in all aspects of the
lives of Jogappas. Association with her provides Jogappas with the few
livelihood opportunities that they usually have access to. It is important to
note that this involves Jogappas freely expressing their gender identity
within respected spaces in society: Yellamma is therefore instrumental in
the realization of their gender identity. It is through Yellamma that they as
Jogappas come together, and it is through their ways of worshipping her
that they form a community." (22)
"Most Jogappas said they joined the Jogappa community when
they realised that the goddess had entered them: this possession manifests
in forms such as jadey (matted hair), pain in limbs and/or the body,
lethargy, shaking and shivering on certain days of month, expression of
feminine mannerisms, and appearance of the goddess in their dreams. [...]
"The process of realisation that the goddess is upon them is often
described as being ‘caught’ by the goddess, a feeling of being ‘bound’ and
unable to control it. Most descriptions refer to changes in the body, a
feeling of restlessness, and a sense of ill-health. It is seen simultaneously
as an illness and as possession by the goddess." (23)
"The participant stresses two separate times that neither she nor
the people around her understood what “came upon” her. She narrated the
experience with an emphasised dissociation from the self, as if the self was
not responsible for gender expression. The narration also hints at the
helplessness of the individual and the lack of control over the situation.
Possession by Yellamma would often manifest as a physical ailment, as a
reduced ability to function properly. This hints at a deep mind-body
connection and alludes to the physical expression of psychological turmoil.
Almost all the interviewees repeatedly mentioned psychosomatic reasons
for their gender expression." (24)
"Yellamma enters
the person wearing a sari and takes possession of him. The sari is clearly
seen as being indicative of a change in gender performance; one either
wears the sari after being possessed by Yellamma or one will be
possessed by Yellamma if one wears the sari. One Jogappa said that her
refusal to wear the sari resulted in her being punished by Yellamma:
“When I refused to wear sari, I suffered pain in my legs, bleeding
from my ears etc. My mother prayed to the goddess that she
would make me wear sari and all the symptoms stopped.”
(Radhika)" (24-25)
"The goddess’s possession of an individual does not warrant
immediate dedication: the family and the Jogappa often engage in
negotiations with Yellamma. These negotiations often include promises of
deeper bhakti, frequent visits to Yellamma’s shrine, and vows of material
offerings to be made to Yellamma. One participant stated that his family
had decided to marry him of and dedicate his bride in his place. But,
according to him, the goddess did not agree.
“She said that the horse which is chosen for me will be mine and I
will ride on it. I do not want a replacement. Then my family agreed
with her and took me to Saundatti.” (Mallappa) (25-26)
"Most Muslim
families, however, have found it difficult to accept, or are puzzled that their
child is possessed by a Hindu goddess." (26)
"Within the Jogappa community, there exists some bias against self-
dedicated Jogappas among those dedicated by the family. The family-
dedicated Jogappas have stated that they either do not know much about
the self-dedicated, or that they are aware of their existence but they do not
mingle with them much. Family-dedicated Jogappas, as well as the larger
society, question the authenticity of the identity of Jogappas who have
dedicated themselves without familial approval. They are not believed to be
truly possessed by the goddess. Instead, they are accused of merely
‘wanting’ to be like woman, almost as if it were a fashion.
“People who themselves become Jogappas, they are not
respected. Only if the goddess herself comes and resides in us,
we can become Jogappas. People don’t respect those who
become Jogappas on their own, that is not acceptable, it is like
being Hijras. They behave like soolay [sex worker], they shouldn’t
do that. They won’t be respected if they do that.” (Radhika)
"Here the expression of agency and ‘choosing’ to be a Jogappa is
viewed as ‘less authentic’ than those who are ‘driven’ to join the
community. The former compare the latter to Hijras, considered an insulting
comparison as their claim to the feminine gender is questioned and
considered a whim, because unlike Jogappas, Hijras do not get
‘possessed’ by the goddess." (27)
EDIT: more quotes:
"According to [Mr. Putari, a non-Jogappa researcher], the Jogappas of
Andhra Pradesh associate femininity with the goddess and get possessed
by this idea of the feminine goddess. Repeated possessions result in the
continuation of the performance of this character (Yellamma) beyond the
time period of possession.
"[...] The possessed imagine the ‘mood’ of Yellamma.
They believe she becomes happy after receiving the offerings made to her,
identify with her happiness, and are possessed by this feeling or mood.
Intense identification with this mood results in their feeling ecstatic, which
later leads them into a state of trance. The enactment of the goddess is
very theatrical in nature and is connected to the feeling and embodying of
rasas (which means essence or juice and is fundamental to many forms of
Indian art including dance, music, musical theatre, and literature). During
the enactment, the ‘audience’ reaches out to Yellamma, talking to and
interacting with her through the spirit of the possessed. Being in a trance
tires the Jogappas and makes them feel weak." (34-35)
"It is interesting to note that all identities associated with the
Yellamma tradition (Jogappas, Devadasis etc.) get married to Yellamma,
and most of these are feminine identities. But Mr. Putari said that they do
not view marriage in the conventional manner, but as a bond: Jogappas
and Devadasis see themselves as being bound to Yellamma. They both
‘become’ Yellamma (there is an effacement of self through the act of
possession) and get married to her (are bound to her).
"[...] Since Jogappas embody both genders, they are also seen as being genderless.
In another sense, they are viewed as being ‘supra-gender’, that is, they are
‘beyond gender’." (35-36)
"Jogappas seem to have a distinctly personalised relationship with
the goddess. Even while narrating their problems, they referred to the
goddess, her wishes, her power to direct their lives and their resignation to
her will. One participant stated that she didn’t want Yellamma to trouble
anyone else in the way she herself had been troubled.
“I just don’t want her to trouble anyone else. There was once
a Jogappa in my village. When she died, other Jogappas
went and prayed to Yellamma and asked her to not make any
more Jogappas in my village, but still she picked me.”
(Chandappa)
"Dedication to Yellamma is also done to spare others from the
problems ‘created’ by the goddess and is thus seen as a sacrifice." (37)
"People are often wary of associating themselves with a household that has
such a strong relationship with the goddess. They fear that that they too
may be caught in the goddess’ sway. A Jogappa in the family is seen as a
detriment to its image. As one participant says:
“The wedding alliance for my sister’s daughter was broken
because they came to know about me. It was after that, that
I was completely ostracised by the family.” (Hussein Saab)" (41)
"It is interesting that the goddess is seen as a source of succor who
passes on her strength to them. She is seen as the only one who was by
their side during the most difficult times of their lives." (42)
"Almost all participants said that Jogappas
should not get married after getting dedicated to the goddess, but that there
were some who did so. Some participants were found to be married to
women and were cohabiting with them. Some have been dedicated even
after they have had children; such dedications solely depend on when the
goddess decides to ‘catch’ them, and do not appear to be the norm.
"Jogappas who are the only sons in their families are often not dedicated till
they are married and have children. They observe that in such cases, the
brides are informed of the circumstances and what would befall them in
future, and yet they agree to the marriage. Nearly all the participants stated
that Jogappas were not supposed to have any sexual relationship with their
wives." (43)
“Before I became a Jogappa, people used to say that I am
[play-] acting when the goddess used to come on me.”
(Devindra)
[...]
“Earlier they did not know the difference between a Hijra and
a Jogappa. Now, they have awareness, they look at us as a
form of Yellamma.” (Gowri)
"Participants also noted that they were respected in villages but
harassed in the cities, where people were not aware of the Jogappa identity
and mistook them for Hijras, asking them if they were men or women.
[...]
“People talk bad things about me… they call me Hijra,
chakka...look, he is neither a man nor a woman.” (Radhika) (45)
"without restrictions and regulations. As Chandappa said, “I want to make
sure that I shift to a house which is my own.”
Many form a deep, personal relationship with the goddess.
“When I was alone I stayed with the goddess.” (Veena)
While the goddess is at times seen as the reason for their existing
problems, she is also seen as a companion, and a source of support and
strength." (53)
no subject
no subject
no subject
no subject